I-Pods,
ITP appreciates the mail it gets from thoughtful readers, who include media types, academics, insurance executives, bankers, lawyers and, last, and really, first, policyholders on the Gulf. It warms War Eagle’s heart because a main theme of ITP has always been to broaden the conversation about insurance to include many more people than currently think about this industry, which I happen to like, and which matters a lot more than it’s covered, put it that way.
I even value the bluntest criticism for the simple reason that everyone needs an editor, and after 22 years of writing in very satisfying, but confining, newspaper environments, ITP — how shall I say it? — can get carried away with its editorial freedom and self-perceived cleverness. I may even put War Eagle(2) down, humanely, if it comes to that. I will certainly cut down on sloppy mistakes.
However, I think it would be a mistake to leave the topic to specialists, as important as they are. This subject needs a popularizer. Or, to put it another way, this beat needs a reporter. As always, PLEASE let me know if you want off this list. I only hurts (me) a minute.
Ok, now up on the site is a note to me from a senior policymaker familiar with insurance discussions at the state and federal level talking about the Mississippi wind pool. This note deals with reinsurance, so you might want to drop off now, but it also deals with a more familiar topic, politics, which wends its way through this industry like kudzu. I offer it because it provides insight into the mechanics of insurance politics.
However, the takeaway for people with, you know, jobs, is, according to the official, a big chunk of federal Community Development Block Grant money intended for uncovered flood victims is going to pay reinsurers:
“The net effect is that federal taxpayers will pay a large share of reinsurance premiums to profiteers in Bermuda or whatever tax haven the reinsurers currently call home.”
The details: The Mississippi Windstorm Underwriting Association, the wind pool, was formed by the legislature in 1987 to provide a market for hurricane coverage after previous storms caused insurers to flee the coast. It is the equivalent of Louisiana Citizens, a state-run insurance company. Controlled by an eight-member board, the pool buys reinsurance up to a certain amount. That amount is passed through to policyholders’ premiums. Any losses that exceed the reinsurance, however, are assessed to all insurers statewide. Insurers that write on the coast get a discount on the assessment, meaning the burden shifts to insurers that write only up north. Because insurers are the final backstop, the industry was given control of five of the pool’s eight seats.
So, basically: the more reinsurance the board buys, the more policyholders pay. The less, the more insurers pay directly.
Ok. At the time of Katrina, the wind pool carried $1.8 billion in risk but had only $175 million in reinsurance. Katrina caused wind pool losses of $700 million. Our official says that post-Katrina the board decided to buy a lot more reinsurance, eventually settling for $350 million.
“But, of course, reinsurance is a cartel, not a market, so there were no bids and no competition to reinsure the wind pool,” our official says.
So here comes the new premium: “Reinsurers, who love to go profit-seeking after a disaster, divvied up layers of the $350 million at an incomprehensible total cost of $42 million for one year of premiums. Now, Katrina and global-warming scares justify a reassessment of the risk on the Mississippi Coast,” but the risk doesn’t come close to justifying the price, the official adds.
However, the wind pool bought the policy and send along a 398% premium increase for policyholders to Insurance Commissioner George Dale. And as the official puts it:
“Dale was saved by Gov. (Haley) Barbour, who was saved by Sen. (Thad) Cochran, (R-Miss.) , who had succeeded in getting the state $5 billion in” CDBG funds.
And we continue: “The primary purpose of those funds is to help homeowners who suffered flood damage but had not bought flood insurance, in large part because
FEMA’s flood-risk maps ” didn’t consider the coast to be that dangerous. The taxpayer funding limited the increase to 90%.
The net effect is described above: tax money paying a “cartel” in Bermuda, according to our official. See the site or below (depending on where you’re reading this) for the full item. An important point: more and higher reinsurance bills are on the way.
Ok. A tendentious item fraught with opinion from a blind source. However, this isn’t just any schmo.
I would love, however, to hear from our reinsurance friends, particularly on the “cartel” assertion. One counterpoint I suspect we would hear is that reinsurers compete with every other form of investment — stocks, bonds, real estate — in global capital markets, and, far from being a cartel, reinsurance represents capital flowing in its freest, most competitive state. That certainly was the general assumption at the Insurance Information Institute forum at the Waldorf last week.
Thanks to senior policy official. Reinsurers: can we address the premium question as well as the anti-competitive assertion? Frozen Dead Athlete, I realize you have other things to do.
(1) ITP mascot. He is fictional, but lovable.
Full text of senior official’s note:
“Dean,
You may know all of this, but here are some more details about the Mississippi wind pool.
First, unlike Florida or Texas or Louisiana, Mississippi has a small coastline, roughly 75 miles between Louisiana and Alabama, so when Mississippi gets hit by a hurricane, all of the coastal area is affected. There is no other large region of the state paying high windstorm premiums but not filing claims, so we go a decade or two without many claims and then we have a hurricane and a lot of claims. And then the insurance companies want to rewrite the terms again.
The Mississippi wind pool was set up in the 1980s after a previous attempt by insurers to coerce concessions by threatening to leave. The wind pool is the wind writer of last resort in the bottom six counties, the three right on the coast and the three just above them. The wind pool purchases reinsurance and then if claims are beyond the reinsurance, all the property insurers in the state are assessed according to their market share to pay the balance. Except that, to encourage companies to write wind in the coastal counties, those who cover wind in the wind pool counties get a 1.4 to 1 credit against their wind pool assessment. (It doesn’t matter whether they actually pay on those policies.)
At the time of Katrina, the wind pool carried $1.8 billion in risk and had reinsurance to $175 million, which pre-Katrina was believed to be a 250-year event. Katrina losses to the wind pool exceeded $700 million, and the wind pool assessed approximately $545 million to insurers based on their market share in Mississippi. State Farm, Nationwide, Allstate who had the largest market shares, but who covered wind on the coast, got the 1.4 to 1 credit, deeply discounting their assessments to the wind pool, which of course means that other insurers with much less market share had to pay extra. Many insurers in the state who did not cover much on the coast were hit hard by the wind pool assessment and have requested large premium increases to begin to recapture that money. That has made the wind pool a statewide issue, but not necessarily in favor of coastal property owners.
Because insurers are the backstop for the wind pool, the state gave the industry 5 of the 8 seats on the board. Shortly after Katrina, the board decided that the wind pool needs to buy a LOT more reinsurance, which would put more risk onto premium payers and less on assessments on insurers. They wanted to buy $600 million in reinsurance, but those premiums would have been too high for even the industry-controlled wind pool board to recommend, so they purchased “only” $350 million reinsurance. But of course, reinsurance is a cartel, not a market, so there were no bids and no competition to reinsure the wind pool. Reinsurers, who love to go profit-seeking after a disaster, divvied up layers of the $350 million at an incomprehensible total cost of $42 million for one year of premiums. Now, Katrina and global warming scares justify a reassessment of the risk on the Mississippi Coast, but a disaster of that scale is not a 1 in 10 event or a 1 in 20 event or anywhere near the risk needed to justify that price. Still, the wind pool, controlled by insurance companies, bought it and then sent a request for a $398% premium increase to Commissioner Dale.
Dale was saved by Gov. Barbour, who was saved by Sen. Cochran, who had succeeded in getting the state $5 billion in Community Development Block Grant funds. The primary purpose of those funds is to help homeowners who suffered flood damage but had not bought flood insurance, in large part because FEMA’s flood risk maps did not consider a major hurricane to be a 100-year event on the Mississippi Coast. As it turned out, there are enough CDBG funds for Gov. Barbour to use several million dollars to subsidize the wind pool for the next two years. That limited the premium increase to 90% for residential properties in the wind pool. The net effect is that federal taxpayers will pay a large share of reinsurance premiums to profiteers in Bermuda or whatever tax haven the reinsurers currently call home. Commercial properties have not been subsidized, so that is the current hot topic for the Mississippi legislature – not whether to subsidize, but how much and from where. Without a subsidy, the wind pool premiums for commercial properties increased by 268%.
However, all those numbers were based on the old wind pool that covered a relatively small share of properties on the Mississippi Coast. Now that State Farm, Allstate, Nationwide, and commercial insurers are not writing new wind policies near the coast, many more properties will have to be covered by the wind pool. The total coverage will be much higher than $1.8 billion, so the industry-controlled board is sure to demand much more than $350 million in reinsurance.
Congressman Taylor is asking for hearings in the new Congress to get to the bottom of this and several other Katrina-related abuses by insurance companies, with the goals of enacting a federal program to provide for all-perils coverage for natural disasters and of repealing the insurance industry’s antitrust exemption.”